Today is the second day of the 147th Trade Union Congress, a historic part of British democracy, where elected delegates representing 6.2 million working people will gather, discuss and debate abroad range of issues effecting the Labour movement and working lives. It is also the Second reading of the Trade Union Bill in the House of Commons, a much anticipated piece of legislation designed to deliver a mortal blow to the Labour Movement.
The bill was accompanied by three short consultations which
will ran over the summer and concluded on the 9th September, with
the intention that the responses could be reported as part of the second reading.
Whilst the headline announcement of introducing thresholds
for ballots, is widely known much of the details of the bill seems to have
slipped the level of media attention it warrants. For should this bill become
legislation it would inflict wide ranging restrictions, on the ability of
working people in this country to collectively organise. It shifts the already
uneven balance of power in the workplace, further away from workers to the
advantage of employers.
The Bill should be seen in the context of a neo-liberal
attempt to carry forward Thatcher’s mantle and restrict union activity, to such
a degree that the only player in industrial relations would be the will of the
free market. However it should be noted that in many ways this isn’t the
legislation of small state politics, but is actually rather authoritarian.
The bill greatly increases the role of the certification
officer (a sort of regulator for trade unions). The CO would be empowered to start
investigations into trade union on its own volition, rather than waiting for a
complaint. The CO will now also be able to act on intelligence from employers
hostile to trade union organisation, and will be given powers to appoint inspectors,
to carry out investigations into union activity. If there is a suspicion a
union or union activists have breached their statutory duties, the CO now has
the power to seize documents and evidence. Should unions be acting
inappropriately financial penalties will be imposed.
Compare this with employers, where there is no equivalent regulator
employing inspectors able to seize evidence to check whether employers are
fulfilling their obligations, under the working time directive or whether
workers are being unfairly dismissed. Often the only recourse a worker has is
to take a case to an employment tribunal (paying a fee for this privilege).
This would normally have to be retrospectively after the worker has suffered a
detriment. The onus lies on the worker to seek justice.
Of course the new CO powers will cost money, but the
government has a solution to this- they will levy charges on the unions to fund
it! Unions will also now be required to report all industrial action that has
taken place in the last 12 months, the nature of the disputes, what action was
taken, and the turnout and ballot results, with a fine imposed if this is not
provided.
This big state
legislation goes further, even proscribing extra wording that should be
contained on official ballot papers. Ballot paper will now have to include a
statement alerting members that if they take industrial action this may breach
their contract of employment, and reminding them they have no protection from
dismissal if action is unofficial, and only limited unfair dismissal rights
(for 12 weeks).
The Bill will compel unions
to provide 'detailed indication’ of the dispute with the employer on the
ballot paper, and where
the voting paper asks whether members would support action short of a strike,
the ballot paper must describe what form this might take. Also the expected
timetable for the dispute must be set out on the ballot.
One can’t help wondering
whether there will be any room left for members to vote? On serious note these
extra layers of bureaucracy aim to provide many avenues in which employers can
take out an injunction to prevent action, should the union “stuff up” on any
particular requirement.
Where any industrial
action – lasts for more than four months the union will be required to
re-ballot. Unions have historically relied on one ballot mandate to organise a
succession of strike days over a period of 12 months or so.
As reasonably well reported
the bill would introduce the only form of turnout fresh holds in British
democracy. Industrial action only being
lawful if: there is a
minimum 50% turnout amongst members who are entitled to vote. And further in
certain ‘important public services’, there would also need to be 40% support
for action amongst those balloted. In other words you would need a 50% turn out
with a 80% yes vote.
Should a union successfully
navigate all the hoops in place, and manage to take industrial action the bill
then takes a frankly bizarre turn. It’s worth noting that at present there is a
statutory Code of Practice that governs conduct during strikes, which amongst
other things limits picket numbers to six people. The new bill takes things to
a whole new level. Each union must appoint a picket supervisor to oversee the
picket line. In something reminiscent of a fascist regime the supervisor must
wear an identifying armband or badge, and carry with them at all times a letter
of authorisation from the union. This should be presented if requested by the
police or any nosey member of the public.
As if this sort of “Union
snoop charter” doesn’t go far enough there are even plans to include requiring
unions to report on plans to run social media accounts for campaigning around
disputes.
As well as the bits
contained within the Bill on the 6th August (the day there was
severe disruption in London due to a tube strike) The government announced
their intention to end “Check-off” a mutually beneficial arrangement where
employees agree to deduct union subs at source from staff members who request
so. This allows the employer to keep an eye on union density, and is simple and
easy for union members. It is often the case that trade Unions pay the
(minimal) costs associated with payrolls operating this system. The only real
reason for the proposal is to get rid of large numbers of trade union members
in one clean sweep. It could well mean members just drop of, unions faced with a battle to go round
completing direct debit mandates for millions of members who have always paid
at source.
I have only briefly
attempted to highlight some of the nasties contained in this vindictive piece
of legislation. However I recommend that anyone interested should visit the TUC
website at https://www.tuc.org.uk/tubill
which has a wealth of resources.
Although this bill way
well be enacted, given its draconian, authoritarian and impractical nature
there is certainly potential to achieve helpful amendments.
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